Merge pull request #911 from audreyt/main

* zh-tw sync; audiobook sync on typo fixes

.github/workflows/main.yml

@@ -11,6 +11,7 @@ jobs:
     runs-on: ubuntu-latest
     permissions:
       contents: write
+      packages: write
     steps:
     - uses: actions/checkout@v2
     - name: Generate book files
@@ -23,6 +24,5 @@ jobs:
     - uses: ncipollo/release-action@v1
       with:
         artifacts: "*.pdf,*.epub"
-        token: ${{ secrets.RELEASE_TOKEN }}
         tag: latest
         allowUpdates: true

contents/english/2-1-a-view-from-yushan.md

@@ -61,7 +61,7 @@ Despite the enormous efforts and funds invested by the Japanese empire, Taiwan's
 
 Across the Taiwan strait, a young, American-educated, Christian doctor and activist, Sun Yat-Sen, was similarly influenced in a revolutionary democratic direction by Qing's defeat at Japan's hands, but for a very different reason. Concluding that the dynasty was unreformable, Sun and his "Revive China Society" led a series of unsuccessful uprisings that forced him into exile in Japan, where he (like the Taiwanese elites sent to Japan to be educated) absorbed nascent democratic reform. Drawing on these Japanese, Christian and American influences as well as Confucian traditions, Sun articulated his _[Three Principles of the People](<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_Principles_of_the_People#:~:text=The%20three%20principles%20are%20often,the%20people%20(or%20welfarism).>)_ in 1905, laying the foundation of the "Tridemism" that would become the official philosophy (and national anthem) of the ROC.
 
-The first principle is 民族/Minzú (literally "civil clan"), which is typically translated as "nationalism". However, perhaps more notable was its emphasis on ethnic pluralism (五族共和) reflected in the original flag of the ROC[^ROC1912Flag], which included colors for each of the major ethnicities at the time. The second is 民權/Minquán (literally "civil rights"), usually translated as "democracy" and articulated as a combination of rights of election, recall, initiative and referendum and division of powers among five "Yuans" (the Legislative, Executive and Judicial of the European tradition plus the Control and Examination divisions of the Confucian tradition). The third is 民生/Mínshēng (literally "civil livelihood"), usually translated as "socialism", draws from a variety of economic philosophies, including the ideas of Henry George, an American political economist known for his advocacy of land rights equality, anti-monopoly stances, and support for cooperative enterprises. We will discuss these ideas much more extensively in the next part of the book.
+The first principle is 民族/Mínzú (literally "civil clan"), which is typically translated as "nationalism". However, perhaps more notable was its emphasis on ethnic pluralism (五族共和) reflected in the original flag of the ROC[^ROC1912Flag], which included colors for each of the major ethnicities at the time. The second is 民權/Mínquán (literally "civil rights"), usually translated as "democracy" and articulated as a combination of rights of election, recall, initiative and referendum and division of powers among five "Yuans" (the Legislative, Executive and Judicial of the European tradition plus the Control and Examination divisions of the Confucian tradition). The third is 民生/Mínshēng (literally "civil livelihood"), usually translated as "socialism", draws from a variety of economic philosophies, including the ideas of Henry George, an American political economist known for his advocacy of land rights equality, anti-monopoly stances, and support for cooperative enterprises. We will discuss these ideas much more extensively in the next part of the book.
 
 [^ROC1912Flag]: "Flag of China (1912–1928)," n.d. Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flag_of_China_(1912%E2%80%931928).svg.
 

contents/english/2-2-the-life-of-a-digital-democracy.md

@@ -113,7 +113,7 @@ While this is an interesting set of programs, one might naturally inquire about
 
 #### Economic
 
-While the economic lens of Taiwan's performance is far from the most important, it is one of the easier to quantify and provides a useful baseline for understanding the starting point for the rest.  In one sense, Taiwan is an upper-middle income country, like much of Europe, with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of $34000 per person in 2024 according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).[^IMFgdp]  However, prices are much lower in Taiwan on average than in almost any other rich country; making this adjustment (which economists call "purchasing power parity") makes Taiwan the second richest country on average other than the US with more than 10 million people in the world.  Furthermore, as we discuss below, most sources suggest that Taiwan is much more equal than the US, which means it is likely the country of that size with the highest typical living standards in the world.  Thus Taiwan is best thought of as among the absolute most developed economies in the world, rather than as a middle-income country.
+While the economic lens of Taiwan's performance is far from the most important, it is one of the easier to quantify and provides a useful baseline for understanding the starting point for the rest.  In one sense, Taiwan is an upper-middle income country, like much of Europe, with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of $34,000 per person in 2024 according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).[^IMFgdp]  However, prices are much lower in Taiwan on average than in almost any other rich country; making this adjustment (which economists call "purchasing power parity") makes Taiwan the second richest country on average other than the US with more than 10 million people in the world.  Furthermore, as we discuss below, most sources suggest that Taiwan is much more equal than the US, which means it is likely the country of that size with the highest typical living standards in the world.  Thus Taiwan is best thought of as among the absolute most developed economies in the world, rather than as a middle-income country.
 
 The sectoral focus of Taiwan's economy stands out as well.  While perfectly comparable data are hard to come by, Taiwan is almost certainly the most digital export-intensive economy in the world, with exports of electronics and information and communication products accounting for roughly 31% of the economy, compared to less than half that fraction in other leading technology exporters such as Israel and South Korea.[^TradingEcon]  This fact is best known to the world for what it reflects: that most of the world's semiconductors, especially the most advanced ones, are manufactured in Taiwan and Taiwan is also a major both manufacturer and domicile for manufacturers of smartphones such as Foxconn.
 

contents/english/6-3-media.md

@@ -41,7 +41,7 @@ Perhaps one of the most interesting possibilities, though, is the way in which G
 
 One of the most frequently dramatized tensions in journalism surrounds the role of source confidentiality. Confidentiality to the subject of the report is often broken by a confidential source to create the credibility of reports.  Journalists have to verify the authenticity of their sources and the information they provide, while ensuring their secrecy from (among others) the organizations they inform on and the credibility of their report to the public. In many cases, confidential informants are sharing information that the norms of their organization prohibits them from sharing.  This creates strong tensions between many of the values we have highlighted above: of protecting the associations, ensuring the integrity of the public sphere, etc.  How might the tools of ⿻ help navigate these challenging waters?
 
-Many parts of the of the above process are naturally facilitated by the tools we highlight in the ["Identity and Personhood"](https://www.plurality.net/v/chapters/4-1/eng/) and ["Association and ⿻ Publics"](https://www.plurality.net/v/chapters/4-2/eng/) chapters.  Most of the tools for protecting ⿻ publics could be applied by organizations to reduce the credibility of documents shared outside their intended social context.  At the same time, zero-knowledge proofs (ZKPs) based on public credentials could allow sources to remain confidential even to journalists while proving (elements of) their position to journalists' audiences.  Yet, absent some reconciliation, such strategies could quickly become an "arms race", escalating cryptography without arriving at a better social outcome.
+Many parts of the above process are naturally facilitated by the tools we highlight in the ["Identity and Personhood"](https://www.plurality.net/v/chapters/4-1/eng/) and ["Association and ⿻ Publics"](https://www.plurality.net/v/chapters/4-2/eng/) chapters.  Most of the tools for protecting ⿻ publics could be applied by organizations to reduce the credibility of documents shared outside their intended social context.  At the same time, zero-knowledge proofs (ZKPs) based on public credentials could allow sources to remain confidential even to journalists while proving (elements of) their position to journalists' audiences.  Yet, absent some reconciliation, such strategies could quickly become an "arms race", escalating cryptography without arriving at a better social outcome.
 
 A potential resolution of this impasse arises from the subtle distinctions these protocols make regarding verification.  If someone publicly holds a position in an organization, they will typically be able to prove this to others using a ZKP without revealing other elements of their identity.  They may be then able to harness the associated reputation, but no more, to make claims about things occurring in the organization.  But for more sensitive information and expansive claims, especially if the person only holds a relatively low position in the organization, additional verification will usually be required to make this credible.  One way is by revealing more (public) information about themselves, but this will narrow the pool of people they could be and thus expose them.  Another is to provide direct verification ("receipts") of the claims.  However, if these receipts are protected by technologies like designated verifier signatures, this is only possible by exposing their "private key" to another person (e.g. the journalist or legal authority), which puts them at risk of exploitation or exposure by that other person unless she is herself highly trustworthy.
 

contents/english/7-1-conclusion.md

@@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ Such a pivot will take a whole-of-society mobilization. Businesses, governments,
 
 ### Promise of ⿻ 
 
-Over the last half century, most Western liberal democracies have learned to be helpless in the face of technology. They are intrigued by it and  alternately delighted and frustrated by it, but tend to assume that it emerges inexorably, like modernity itself, instead of as the sum of the choices small of groups of engineers. Most citizens in these polities do not believe “we the people” have any ability, much less any right, to influence the direction of the platforms that are the operating system of our lives. 
+Over the last half century, most Western liberal democracies have learned to be helpless in the face of technology. They are intrigued by it and  alternately delighted and frustrated by it, but tend to assume that it emerges inexorably, like modernity itself, instead of as the sum of the choices of small groups of engineers. Most citizens in these polities do not believe “we the people” have any ability, much less any right, to influence the direction of the platforms that are the operating system of our lives. 
 
 But we do have the right, and even the duty, to demand better. Some technology pulls us apart and flattens our differences; other technology brings us together and celebrates them. Some fuels our resentment and obedience,  some helps us find interdependence. If we mobilize to demand the latter,  _⿻ technologies_ that are designed to help us collaborate across difference, we can re-engineer that operating system.